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���The land of Freedom, Hope and Glory��� Most of the restrictions have been lifted but some are still not happy with the heavy-handed approach of the state security institutions regarding public meetings and freedom of expression. The sanctions by Australia and New Zealand, especially in banning travel by senior government officials, have not helped much in terms of allowing qualified Fijians to take over senior government positions. The tense diplomatic relations between Fiji, Australia and New Zealand has thawed considerably, but Fiji is expected to remain suspended from the Commonwealth and Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) until after the 2014 elections. Ironically, Fiji���s suspension from the PIF has made it even stronger and more influential amongst the small Pacific island states by using the Melanesian Spear Head Group (MSG) and the newly formed Engagement with the Pacific group to leverage its influence outside the PIF. Fiji���s isolation has attracted China which has consolidated its economic and political links with Fiji thus threatening the traditional New Zealand, Australia and US hegemony in the Pacific. It appears that Fiji is enjoying the benefits of isolation and is not in a hurry to rejoin the PIF, which it sees as a New Zealand and Australian neo-colonial enclave. While the PIF has been weakened by the new geo-political leveraging, I doubt if it will wither away as some suggest. Fiji���s threat to pull out from the PACERplus free trade framework and Economic Partnership Agreement with the European Union and focus more on the MSG trade relations (where more than 80% of the Pacific wealth is) is lamentable because the Pacific Island states need Fiji���s participation for these regional agreements to succeed. Fiji should define its future not as an independent tough guy but as a mutual partner with the smaller island states. Poverty in Fiji remains high and attempts to address the issue of housing may have brought some relief but it is still not sufficient. Fiji needs to rebuild its middle class which was severely fractured by the coup as well as provide jobs and welfare for the working class, many of whom have sunk below the poverty line as a result of the global crisis and loss of opportunities after the coup. Despite the political turmoil, ethnic relations between the indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians have not deteriorated as much as some would claim. In the beginning, there was perception that the coup was in support of Indo-Fijian interests against indigenous Fijians, unlike other coups. However as it turned out, political parties from different ethnic groups have formed a broad political alliance against their common ���enemy,��� the military government. Perhaps this is a case of multi-ethnic cooperation by default and one may argue that the motive of political expediency is only temporary and differences could rear their ugly heads again in the future. Hope and despair, as in any society, co-exist in Fiji in a dynamic way. There are those who are pessimistic and there are those who are optimistic and confident of a bright future. There are those who are returning to invest and retire and there are those who have left Fiji either permanently or temporarily. Fiji���s greatest asset during times of adversity is the sense of profound resilience of its people. In response to the series of past coups, they have learnt to adapt, survive and revive. It is part of the long and enduring process of nation-building towards what the Fijian national anthem optimistically proclaims as the ���the land of freedom, hope and glory���. Dr Steven Ratuva www.auckland.ac.nz www.h e rmagaz in e .co.n z | 37